Will Failure Make the Gop Sane Again
The future of the Republican Political party — with or without Donald J. Trump — is weighing heavily on the party'due south superlative elected officials, idea leaders and activists. It's a topic sure to be dissected once the results on Election 24-hour interval, November viii, 2016, are tallied. Across Trump lays out the possibilities alee for a political party facing an existential crunch.
When Donald Trump entered the presidential race in June 2015, the Republican Party was divided. Past the time he accepted his nomination merely over a yr later, it had shattered into pieces.
The GOP for years was a diverse but sturdy three-legged stool of security hawks, tax cutters and religious conservatives. Within that coalition, stakeholders might jostle for prominence but generally got forth, united past the common goal of winning elections.
Divisions inside the political party existed before Trump won the 2022 nomination, but were exacerbated in recent years every bit establishment Republicans battled with conservative populists over a variety of hot-push button issues, including immigration. Tactical fights erupted over whether to threaten government shutdowns and how much to compromise with Democrats. Smaller factions inside the political party, similar libertarians, battled to push their policies to the top of the calendar.
Then came Trump. The real estate mogul's ascent didn't just take hold of Republicans by surprise, it went confronting everything many party stalwarts thought they knew well-nigh the GOP and its voters.
Trump violated political party orthodoxy on trade, entitlement reform, money in politics and national security. He exposed a huge portion of the Republican base that either disagreed with political party leaders on key bug or didn't care what they had to say. To some caste, the celebrity candidate challenged the idea that policy proposals even mattered: His ain positions were far from consistent; he shifted regularly, fifty-fifty on signature issues; and he scoffed at the need for depth or nuance. The thrice-married candidate's checkered personal history and rough rhetoric flew in the confront of the political party's religious, bourgeois image. And his appeals to discrimination forced some Republicans to consider whether the left's portrayal of the GOP as the party of white resentment was more accurate than they had one time thought.
"The political party of Reagan was the party that had coalitions that worked seamlessly together," GOP strategist John Feehery said. "What Donald Trump has identified is a party that is literally splitting apart between the donor class and the working class parts of the party."
Whether or not Trump prevails in November, the GOP is set for a rebuilding procedure like none in recent memory. If he wins, he'll face a Congress whose leaders have largely distanced themselves from his brand and who oppose much of his agenda. If he loses, his one-of-a-kind candidacy offers each faction of the party a apparent argument that its approach would take carried the election instead.
We asked more than than a dozen prominent minds in the Republican Political party, including Trump supporters and Trump critics, financial conservatives and social conservatives, tea party rabble-rousers and veteran establishment hands, to assess the touch on of Trump'southward emergence and where the political party goes from here.
Despite their differences, the conservatives nosotros interviewed described their ideal Republican Party in like terms, 1 guided by values similar "gratuitous enterprise," "individual responsibility," "limited authorities," "family" and "security."
How to accomplish that platonic was another story. Participants disagreed sharply on the policies that constitute true conservatism, the changes needed to secure its political future, and, higher up all, what Trump's emergence meant to them. Was he a malevolent force that needed to be purged? A prophet heralding necessary changes? A freak occurrence with no greater meaning at all? Or some mix of all of the higher up?
In the course of these conversations, four broad paths emerged, each pointing to dissimilar agendas, different messages, different coalitions of voters and a different conception of what it means to exist a Republican.
Welcome to Choose Your Ain Adventure: Republican Party edition.
Path One
Trump Takes Over the GOP
The current path is the one Trump offers: The Republican Party remade in his image.
While Trump's policies are inconsistent, the broad contours of his vision are clear enough. A Trump Republican Political party would champion blue-neckband white workers and lean heavily on fear and resentment to excite small donors, recruit volunteers and motivate supporters.
Politicians in Trump's Republican Political party would showcase their opposition to illegal immigration on economic, cultural and security grounds while casting suspicion upon Muslims at home and away. Most claims of racial inequality would exist brushed aside as divisive. Leaders would exist unapologetically advised in the face of "political correctness." A new "America First" foreign policy would push back confronting free trade agreements, military alliances and the U.Southward.-led international institutions that enforce these arrangements. The party would tabular array sometime arguments over shrinking regime and reforming entitlements, urging robust government intervention instead to assistance workers left behind past economic changes.
Equally Liz Mair, an anti-Trump, libertarian-leaning Republican strategist put it, the party nether Trump'southward leadership is "less almost protecting and expanding freedom and liberty and much more most trying to placate angry, working class, predominantly male person white voters" with proposals that emphasize "sticking information technology to people outside their demographic."
Trump has said his vision for the GOP is a "worker's political party." In a break from the political party's smaller-regime past, he has suggested a massive federal investment in infrastructure to provide jobs directly to struggling areas, non different the federal stimulus package President Obama pushed through early in his first term over nearly unanimous GOP opposition.
All of these positions challenge the Republican Party's traditional three-legged stool of social and fiscal conservatism and national security interventionism. In other words, Trump'due south most loyal backers take soundly rejected the party's primal orthodoxy.
"I saw that [George West. Bush-league] mentioned in the paper … that he thought this was the end of the Republican Party," one-time New York gubernatorial nominee and Trump'due south state campaign chair Carl Paladino said. "I certainly hope it is the end of the Republican Party as he knew it."
Paladino himself is a good example of what a postal service-Trump GOP candidate might look like. A successful businessman, he won the New York Republican nomination for governor in an upset in 2010 despite beliefs that included sending racist and pornographic images to an extended email listing of friends and reporters. He cratered in the general ballot, but says he sees a path for the party if information technology tin rack upwards higher and higher margins with disaffected Democrats in downtrodden places like his hometown of Buffalo.
"The Republican Party is already halfway to that modify," Paladino said. "They're already addressing, exclusively, the heart class, and making it ameliorate, and taking them forth for the ride."
Several Republicans who spoke to NBC News agreed this transformation would only realistically occur if Trump wins, prompting holdout Republicans to fall in line behind his calendar.
"If he loses … he will have proven to be zip but a wink in the pan and will have little lasting impact,"Tea Party Patriots co-founder Jenny Beth Martin said. "If he wins, information technology will prove the Sleeping accommodation of Commerce-driven aristocracy agenda is dead as a national platform."
But even some Republicans opposed to Trump's candidacy suggest the party could exist on a path toward Trumpism1 regardless of what happens in Nov.
Some pointed to Europe, where far-correct parties have rapidly gained footing touting a similar message on issues like immigration and trade. Merely like Trump's campaign, the political debates in those countries have frequently pitted elites against populists, older voters against younger voters and white voters confronting non-white voters. In this context, Trump looks less like an outlier in American politics and more similar the production of a global tendency.
"I suspect that he's more or less permanently turned the GOP into a European style 'far-right' political party like the National Front end in France or the Political party for Freedom in Belgium," Leon Wolf, editor of the bourgeois RedState and a fierce Trump critic, said.
Trump himself is well aware of this dynamic: He supported the Brexit vote to leave the European Union, which was spearheaded by the nationalist United Kingdom Independence Party, and has regularly cited its winning coalition equally a model for his own. "They will shortly exist calling me Mr. Brexit!" he tweeted in August.
For the party to become downward this road, Trump's presidential run would have to inspire a generation of candidates to have upward his playbook on the local, land and federal level. If his voters stay politically engaged and influential figures in talk radio and media outlets like Breitbart continue to embrace their agenda, they could forcefulness Republican leaders toward Trumpism with master threats, simply every bit tea party activists pushed Congress toward rigid bourgeois doctrine before them. Trump could encourage this himself by continuing to target Republican critics in the press, past purchasing or founding media outlets to spread the Trumpist gospel, or even past running for president over again.
An early case study might be Paul Nehlen, the Republican challenger to House Speaker Paul Ryan in Wisconsin, who ran a entrada linking himself tightly to Trump and calling for the possible deportation of all Muslims from America.
Nehlen was always a longshot and lost by a broad margin, simply future candidates in more favorable districts and states could exist more than formidable. The aforementioned night Nehlen lost, a former talk radio host won an open up Firm master in Minnesota, despite making shocking remarks about women and slavery. On a national level, it'south not hard to imagine someone similar Sarah Palin (a supporter of both Nehlen and Trump) becoming a real threat to win the 2022 nomination on a Trumpist platform.
The existing tea political party wing of the party could likewise take on a more Trump-like flavor. Sen. Ted Cruz pointedly refused to back up Trump, for example, just he moved toward him during the Republican primary by souring on free merchandise negotiations, reversing his by support for more legal immigration, endorsing self-deportation for undocumented immigrants and proposing America take Christian refugees while leaving Muslims behind.
"It's no longer the rich, suburban land club political party," said sometime Sen. Rick Santorum, whose ain 2022 run included calls for a subtract in immigration and an increment in the minimum wage. "Whether the party recognizes it or not, it'due south going to be reflected in who's going to do well in our elections."
The challenges to this arroyo are obvious. The party would exist betting its national fortunes on an aging demographic that'southward chop-chop existence eclipsed by a new generation of more diverse voters who are unfamiliar with the country Trump invokes when he says, "Brand America Great Again."
"Whatever nosotros do during the Donald Trump Era we've got to be cognizant an older, whiter, more than male party is a party that'southward never going to win another presidential election," Feehery said.
Only just because the math on this movement doesn't add upwards by 2016, doesn't hateful the party can avoid existence taken along for the ride.
Path Two
Refined Trumpism
Asouthward a candidate, Trump repelled many Republican elites fifty-fifty equally he attracted millions of disaffected GOP voters. That disharmonism is threatening to tear the political party apart this twelvemonth, merely what if there was a way to excite Trump'southward voters without alienating everyone else?
That'south the path offered past a prominent prepare of conservative intellectuals who see Trump'due south success equally proof of their longstanding argument that the party needs to reinvent itself as the champion of the little guy.
Their case goes like this: Trump won because he was the one candidate who realized the Republican Party had fallen out of touch with its ain voters and ordinary Americans in general. While GOP candidates, donors and activists came together in the by backside a platform of cutting entitlement benefits, slashing taxes for the wealthy, passing merchandise deals and embracing immigration, many Republican voters were more interested in paying their bills and didn't see how any of those longstanding party principles helped their day-to-day lives. Opposition to President Obama kept GOP leaders and voters on the same page until 2016, when everyone started looking past Obama's presidency. That's when the Republican platform's rotten foundation complanate.
"Republicanism isn't that practiced of a product,"Arthur Brooks, president of the American Enterprise Establish, said. Instead, the party needed to rebuild around "pushing opportunity to the people who need information technology the most."
Proponents of this theory, who include prominent "reform bourgeois" writers similar New York Times columnist Ross Douthat and National Review editor Reihan Salam, generally loathe Trump, especially his appeals to racial prejudice. Merely they've as well spent years warning Republicans of a rude enkindling if they don't discover ways to accost his voters' concerns about stagnant wages and competition from immigrants and foreign rivals. Douthat has described Trumpism every bit "reform conservatism'south evil twin" — an unworkable calendar GOP leaders brought upon themselves by ignoring the bourgeois intellectuals' retrieve tank-friendly alternative.
So how does a candidate win these disaffected Trump supporters? Prove they're willing to stand up to the same donor class that Trump used every bit his foil. That would hateful painful sacrifices for minor government activists and the wealthy backers who fund their cause.
"Republicans need to be less doctrinally wedded to gratuitous marketplace economics, which is not to say turning back on the marketplace, but to say that there are times when intervention is justified to ensure anybody has a fair shake," Henry Olsen, a senior beau at the Ethics & Public Policy Centre, told NBC News.
In line with that approach, reformers' suggestions include a more than skeptical heart toward immigration, new revenue enhancement credits to heighten working form incomes and an openness to subsidized health insurance and child care.
Reformers' immigration positions are still a far cry from Trump's. There are no calls for mass displacement of undocumented immigrants or giant walls. The focus instead would be on preventing future illegal immigration and revamping the legal visa organisation to reduce the number of workers competing with Americans for jobs.
"I think the historic period of mass migration has to come up to an cease," David Frum, former speechwriter for President George W. Bush, said. "I think the Republican Party too needs to make its peace with universal health care coverage."
I crucial prescription a number of reformers have named: Abandoning the political party'southward never-catastrophe quest to slash taxes for the rich. Not just does it undermine its populist credibility — particularly while the party is asking voters to suffer cuts to Medicare and Social Security — it soaks up money that could go to funding centre-class benefits.
The promise, reformers say, is that past rallying around a worker-focused economic program while ditching Trump's bigotry and misogyny, the party could convince minorities, women and young voters to requite the GOP a second look.
Embracing Trump'due south voters carries its own dangers, though. It could plow out that a "reform conservative" candidate is caught in the deadly middle: Too populist on economics to concenter support from big donors and ideological conservatives, but too "politically correct" to fire upward Trump's base of operations and attract small donor support.
Appealing to voters' financial lesser line instead of white resentment is a winning strategy if the bottom line was what drove them to support Trump. Merely what if white resentment was what actually brought them to his rallies? Or what if making offensive statements is a litmus examination for blue-neckband Republicans that proves a candidate is on their side and not function of the Washington establishment?
If that's the case, reform conservatives run the danger of being outflanked by Trump-like candidates willing to offer voters more populism and more acrimony. A reformer could promise new investments in infrastructure only to confront a candidate who promises double. Another might promise new limits on worker visas merely to be met with a hope to build a border moat and make full it with alligators.
"The populism always runs to its southward***** natural endpoint," Florida Republican strategist Rick Wilson, a tearing critic of Trump, said. "You can't satisfy that monster."
Path 3
The Party Institution Wins
If in that location's one thing we know about Donald Trump, information technology's his professed deep disdain for the political institution, which has shown him no great love, either. If he loses in November, the Republican institution, forth with its donor course, could merits victory and restore the party to its former image while purging the party of its populist influence.
"I just don't see the GOP adopting [Trump's] policy positions in the long run," said Lanhee Chen, a Stanford professor and old meridian adviser to Hand Romney.
Post-obit a Trump loss, the donor class would point to the ballot results as proof that his coalition of working-class, less-educated white men doesn't spell victory in a general election. They would dismiss the policies that Trump championed, insisting voters don't back up trade restrictions, mass deportations, a Muslim ban or preserving entitlements.
"We told yous so," the donor class would argue. And they'd be energized and emboldened to restore the GOP to its former cocky: A pro-business, anti-tax political party, perhaps offering modest concessions for the new generation.
"I suspect much of the GOP, like what they used to say about the Bourbons of France, is that they'll learn nil and forget nothing," Erick Erickson, founder of the conservative media site TheResurgent.com, said.
This post-Trump party would surely try to become more diverse. It would revive key portions of the Republican National Committee's 2012 "autopsy" and resume its outreach to women and minorities, especially Hispanics, whom Republicans, specially Trump, have turned away. The political party would also work to win young voters by softening opposition to social change, especially gay rights. This evolution would brainstorm with immigration reform, and would non include automatic deportation or a concrete wall paid for past the Mexican authorities.
Fred Malek, Republican donor and former Republican administration official for four presidents, argues the GOP must expect to its founding to find its hereafter.
"The party of Lincoln must endeavour to conduct like the political party of Lincoln," Malek said. "The only party with two governors of Hispanic descent, two governors of Indian descent, three female governors and the only African-American U.S. senator needs to celebrate the diversity of our country. Nosotros need to welcome immigrants while preventing illegal immigration, demonstrate tolerance for all, take empathy for those with unlike views and promote policies that lift all boats."
The political party would all the same face a long climb out of a very deep pigsty. Trump's policy proposals and rhetoric against Hispanics and African-Americans take strained and probably reversed by GOP efforts to woo those voters, panicking donors and the party establishment who know the political party's future depends on expanding beyond its older, white base.
"Every candidate for the foreseeable future will be viewed through the prism of Trump by voters. That's a massive problem, especially since he'due south turned off every key demographic the GOP needs to win national elections," said Evan Siegfried, columnist and writer of the newly released book "GOP GPS."
Trump's back up among the growing population of nonwhite voters is dismal. The nonwhite electorate grew by 2 per centum betwixt 2012 and 2022 and now stands at 31 percent, co-ordinate to a Pew Research survey. And a recent NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll establish Trump with zero percent back up amidst African-Americans in the battlefield state of Ohio, and his support amid Latinos is lower than whatever previous Republican presidential candidate.
"If nosotros are going to win national, general elections, we simply must do better with women, African-Americans and Hispanic-Americans," said Katie Packer, a veteran GOP strategist who helped lead the so-called "Never Trump" movement during the presidential primaries.
The party's 2012 dissection — officially called The Growth and Opportunity Project — urged a fresh await at immigration reform and outreach to Hispanics every bit cardinal to the party's survival. A number of Republicans have also advocated criminal justice reform to build credibility with black voters, something Trump sidesteps while he focuses on "law and society."
"The autopsy was not a dumb document, it was smart," said Wilson, the Florida political strategist. "It was dumb that we didn't listen to information technology."
To encompass the future, the party might also place some aspects of its social conservative agenda on the back burner — peculiarly its focus on stemming the tide of gay rights. The party could continue to agree traditional beliefs without pushing religious freedom bills or restrictive bathroom legislation to the forefront of campaigns.
"We have to drop the social conservative stuff and recognize that many of our policies make millennials think we are a political party of the past," Siegfried said.
It's not that proponents of this path don't want the back up of Trump voters. They just don't call back Trump is a truthful bourgeois, and that many of his policies that appeal to this group of voters don't autumn in line with Republican ideals.
Trump's protectionist economic policies, in particular, have caused consternation among establishment Republicans, many of whom are business leaders.
"Sadly, some of these differences may exist irreconcilable," Chen said of the economic philosophy Trump and his supporters accept embraced. "But the way that we tin entreatment to the bully majority of Americans is for the party to render to get-go principles. A growing economy benefits every American. And a rubber country with strong alliances around the world does the same."
Tony Fratto, who served in the administration of President George W. Bush, said that adopting Trump'southward economic policy proposals and the views of his followers "is not sustainable" if the Republican Party is to remain intact.
"What you lot have in that case is a completely incoherent political party and it'southward not something that can be properly chosen a national party," Fratto said.
The establishment would revive efforts to shrink the federal government and cutting taxes, especially for top earners, giving weight back to supply-side economics.
To overcome resistance, the newly restored establishment political party might have to suspension the system that produced Trump. That could mean aggressive efforts by GOP donors to fund main challengers against members who won't fall in line. Party leaders could endeavor to cut off damaging candidates early, equally they did in 2012 when GOP organizations publicly renounced Missouri Senate hopeful Todd Alike over his comments on rape and abortion.
Such efforts took place in early Baronial. A Kansas Republican House primary pitted an institution challenger, Roger Marshall, confronting incumbent Tim Huelskamp, a tea party champion who had irritated political party leaders by turning confronting them on primal votes. Donors like the United States Chamber of Commerce, a pro-business lobbying group, and Chicago Cubs owner Todd Ricketts backed Marshall, who handily defeated Huelskamp.
If the party unites by using cash to crush anyone with an outsider streak, it risks acknowledging that a contest of ideas no longer exists. It'southward a value that the Republican Party once prided itself on merely has lost in the era of President Barack Obama as the political party became one of Democratic opposition..
Mair, the anti-Trump Republican strategist, points out that the party has to once over again go a political party of "solutions."
"Fix the underlying problems, which are not specific to Trump'southward voters, but are causing Trump'due south voters to rally to him and others to rally to Democrats. In short, do your job, and win as a result," Mair said.
It'southward become a daily mantra among Trump's critics on the right: If only nosotros had nominated anyone else, we'd exist winning for certain correct at present.
"Hillary Clinton is so weak and vulnerable and had we chosen whatever other candidate every bit our standard bearer, we would likely defeat her come November," Packer, the veteran GOP strategist, said.
Only if Trump loses, no one faction competing for prominence in the Republican Party gets to claim victory, continuing a years-long stalemate within the party.
The establishment wing will claim Trump's difficulty with minority voters means the party must diversify. The tea political party wing volition claim Trump's disgruntled populists were mad that Congress didn't fight Obama harder. Social conservatives will merits they should have nominated a candidate with pro-life credentials and ane marriage, rather than three.
In other words, the party will proceed its head-on collisions with the same vehicles that crashed confronting each other in the Obama era, said Fratto, the former Bush administration official.
"I fear considering of how screwed upward the political party is … regardless of what happens we're coming out as a divided political party with unanswered questions for large chunks of the party," he said.
In this scenario, no i group would gain plenty power to successfully pb the political party. It would remain securely fractured, with different segments vying for command and angry Trump supporters looming in the background pressing for change. Without ane emerging faction as the winner, the agenda on merchandise, immigration, old-age entitlements and the role of the U.S. in a globalized globe would grow even murkier. Congressional leadership would struggle to maintain a working coalition with a platform that goes beyond opposition to a Autonomous administration.
Olsen, the fellow at the Ideals & Public Policy Center, said that equally a result it could take decades for the Republican Party to define itself, yielding Democrats the upper hand for years.
"I think it's highly likely that instead of a argue that could have been roughly settled by 2020, nosotros're probable to accept a much longer and much more than difficult debate that could very well include more than losses at the presidential level until they get it right," Olsen said.
It's not just that a Trump loss would fail to settle the party'southward pre-existing debates. To many Republicans, Trump'due south nomination was a fluke — one that could not be replicated past anyone else and would require few policy concessions to his voters.
"I call up if he loses it won't have had much of an bear upon on the political party," Terry Sullivan, who managed Sen. Marco Rubio's presidential run, said. "He's a cult of personality; he's not an ideologue."
To Sullivan, Trump'due south supporters weren't paying much attention to his heretical breaks from longstanding conservative ideas. They were just mad.
"Anger is not an ideology," Sullivan said.
Many in the political party echo Sullivan, maxim they are reluctant to predict major changes in response to Trump without proof there'due south a motility beyond the human being. It's non like the party's electric current iteration is such a disaster, after all: Republicans take had tremendous success at the land level and currently command the House and Senate.
"I think it'southward a fault for the Republican Party to walk abroad from the fact that nosotros are the bulk party in the United States," said Ken Blackwell, a former Ohio secretarial assistant of state and current board member of the Family unit Research Council and the National Rifle Association.
Under this scenario, social conservatives will remain a driving factor in Republican politics and ideology. If Trump, a nonreligious candidate who has wavered on primal issues like abortion and appears to embrace some aspects of gay rights, has not driven them from the political party, their relevance in a post-Trump party would go on.
Penny Nance, president of the conservative group Concerned Women of America, says she is confident that social conservatives will be a leading force inside the party.
"Nosotros are in good shape when it comes to issues of life," Nance said. "Is this a party realignment? I think that there's some good coming out of this, just I retrieve there are also some struggles as we detect our vocalism and find new folks coming alongside us."
Another 4-yr flow in the wilderness with no one faction gaining command isn't necessarily all bad news. A number of Republicans expressed hope that the potential 2022 presidential field might yield greater talent than in 2016, with Iowa Sen. Joni Ernst, Arkansas Sen. Tom Cotton and Colorado Sen. Cory Gardner often named as potential stars.
But if the GOP's competing groups are wrong that Trump is a passing fad, they could end upwards recreating the weather condition that immune him to thrive. The 2022 ballot could exist another divided competition filled with candidates vying for different "lanes," leaving an opening for a Trump-like candidate to again swoop in.
A party in stalemate would exist most axiomatic in Congress, where policy battles can have identify weekly, not just every four years. GOP lawmakers from suburban swing districts looking for compromise and results would knock heads with those from solidly scarlet districts who believe the political party needs to take a harder line.
David Bossie, president of the conservative group Citizens United and a Trump supporter, described the future of the party simply: "The institution doesn't always win; the grassroots still has ability."
For some Republicans disaffected by what happened in 2016, a stalemate would exist preferable to a turn in Trump's direction. Some, like Jeb Bush's tiptop adviser, Sally Bradshaw, who left the GOP over Trump, would likely rejoin the party to which she's dedicated so many years. Ohio Gov. John Kasich would probably hold to attend his party's adjacent nominating convention, rather than sitting it out as he did this year. Packer, the Republican strategist, would perhaps no longer wonder what earth she lived in.
"Donald Trump'south success has made me question some days whether I have a home in this political party anymore," Packer said. "His long pattern of disrespect for women, his mocking of the disabled and prisoners of war, his openly racist comments make me wonder who the people are who believe he is a leader fit to fill the shoes of George Washington, Abraham Lincoln, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Ronald Reagan and both George Bushes."
In the end, if the party is to accept its many factions and encourage tolerance between different camps, the next goal could be to broaden the definition of conservatism rather than seek out its purest, well-nigh Reaganesque form.
"I say, diversify," Michael Brendan Dougherty, a author for The Calendar week, said. "Find candidates to run in places where Republicans don't run well, and give them the freedom to observe how Republicans can stand for new constituencies. That may mean the GOP develops a protectionist fly, or a wing defended to a certain way of urban planning. Then be it. All parties have radicals. Successful parties have moderates, as well."
Source: https://www.nbcnews.com/specials/donald-trump-republican-party/gop-future/
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